No 21 June 1998 ISSN 1363-9552
Prison Privatisation Report International
Published in London by the Prison Reform Trust
ON OTHER PAGES
UK: Labour’s prison U-turn complete
All new prisons in England and Wales are to be privately built and run.
In a speech to the Prison Officers’ Association (POA) annual conference on 19
May 1998, the Home Secretary, Jack Straw, announced that a Prison Service
review found the option of using
private finance to build new prisons while retaining the management function in
the public sector was not affordable and “does not offer value for money.”
The Home Secretary also endorsed another review which concluded that
“the immediate transfer of existing private prisons to the public sector is not
affordable and cannot be justified on value for money grounds.” But he said
that “the Prison Service will be allowed to bid for the chance to take over the
management of existing privately managed prisons on the next occasions that the
contracts expire.”
Neither review has been made public. Rejection of the private/public
option is because of objections from the private prison companies. It remains
to be seen whether it will be feasible for the Prison Service to compete
effectively for the management contracts.
Mr Straw claimed that his decisions were based partly on the findings of the Labour members of the House of Commons Home Affairs Select Committee in 1997 (see below).
History of the U-turn
The Home Secretary’s announcement completes a Labour ‘U-turn’ on
pre-1997 election pledges. In 1994, John Prescott (now Deputy Prime Minister)
told the POA conference that: “Labour will take back private prisons into
public ownership - it is the only safe way forward.” At a meeting of the Bourne
Trust, a prisoners’ aid society, on 7 March 1995, Mr Straw, then Shadow Home
Secretary, said that “at the expiration of their contracts, the Labour
government will bring these [privately managed] prisons into proper public
control and run them directly as public services.” Speaking at the POA
conference in April 1996, Mr Straw said that he found it “morally unacceptable
for the private sector to undertake the incarceration of those whom the state
has decided need to be imprisoned ... almost all people believe that this is
one area where a free market does not exist.”
But the Government’s back-tracking started soon after the election on 1
May 1997. On 8 May, Mr Straw said “...if there are contracts in the pipeline
and the only way of getting the [new prison] accommodation in place very
quickly is by signing those contracts,
then I will sign those contracts.” On 19 June, Mr Straw announced that he had
renewed UK Detention Services’ management contract for HMP Blakenhurst and
agreed to two new privately financed, designed, built and run prisons. He also
said that the recommendations of the Home Affairs Select Committee which
reported in March 1997 were “still to be fully considered” and announced that
he had ordered the two Prison Service reviews referred to above.
What the Home Secretary said to the POA about private
prisons - the full text.
Private prisons
“Let me now turn to the issue of private prisons. Many of you, I know
will be familiar with the views on private prisons I have expressed in the
past. My first concern about private prisons was that they could mean the
abdication of the state’s direct responsibility for public safety and the
deprivation of freedom. I was concerned that this central responsibility would
slip away: that discipline would be wholly exercised by private contractors:
that profit would be put above humanity and constructive regimes for prisoners.
That was why I took a great interest in the deliberations of my Labour
colleagues on the Home Affairs Select Committee who examined these arguments
with great care in the 12 months before the election. They took evidence from
all sides, including from the POA. At the end of their examination their
conclusion was the same as that of the Conservative and Liberal Democrat
members of the Committee. They said this in their agreed conclusion:
‘While we accept that contracting out is not universally welcomed, we
consider that the fears hitherto expressed over the principle of contracting
out - that it would mean the abdication of state responsibility for public
safety and the deprivation of freedom -
have not proved justified, and that the idea of privately managed prisons is
undoubtedly now more generally accepted, and should be allowed to develop
further.’
No Home Secretary can ignore that sort of conclusion.
The Select Committee also pointed out that the private sector has shown
a great deal of concern to improve regimes and to make the prison experience as
challenging and constructive as possible for inmates. This is not to deny of
course that the private sector establishments have not had their share of
incidents - from disturbances to suicides. And I know, and appreciate the fact,
that staff from the public sector have stood ready to assist in resolving these
situations. I therefore attach great importance to the fact that a direct
employee of the Prison Service, the Controller, is present in each privately
managed prison to ensure that the contract is complied with and that the
quality standards set by the Prison Service are being met.
The continuing existence of the private sector has, however, in no way
narrowed down the scope of the public sector. Over the past five years, public
sector staff alone have increased by over 3,000.
In the Prison Service, as in all other areas of public life, we have to
ensure that the public’s money is spent wisely and effectively. As a
responsible Government we have committed ourselves to providing best value to
achieve high performance, efficiency and effectiveness. Whatever the anecdotes, the facts are these:
current cost comparison research indicates that privately managed prisons are
between eight per cent and 15 per cent less costly than their counterparts in
the public sector. The difference is accounted for almost entirely by: lower
staff ratios; lower staff costs, including pension arrangements and salaries;
and greater effective availability of staff with fewer holidays and, in many
cases, a longer working week. The private sector matches, and in some cases
exceeds, the performance of public sector counterparts - in terms of key
performance indicators, security and standards audit scores and Chief Inspector
of Prisons’ reports.
Review of scope for public
sector involvement
My early decision to proceed with further DCMF prisons and to renew the
Blakenhurst contract came against this background. The critical factors in
those decisions, however, were our commitments to the Government’s spending
plans and to accommodating safely the population - which was under far more
severe pressure than had previously been revealed. This left virtually no room
for manoeuvre but I did, at the same time, commission two reviews to explore
options for greater public sector involvement in the longer term. I am pleased
to note that this Association contributed constructively to both reviews.
The first review sought to demonstrate that the public sector does
indeed have the capacity to match private sector performance. Nevertheless, the
conclusion of the review which I have endorsed is that the immediate transfer
of existing private prisons to the public sector is not affordable and cannot be justified on value for money
grounds. The biggest challenge for the public sector, therefore, is to narrow
the value for money gap. There is more that the public sector can achieve in
this respect and I know that some very positive views have been offered by trade
unions and managers on how our efficiency programme might continue.
I am, therefore, pleased to tell you I have now agreed that the Prison
Service will be allowed to bid for the chance to take over the management of
existing privately managed prisons on the next occasions that such contracts
expire.
The second review was about the use of private finance to build new
prisons whilst retaining the management function in the public sector. Again,
some very thorough work has gone into this review and I must conclude that
there is no way that such a proposition is affordable and it certainly does not
offer value for money.
It is important that the Prison Service tackles the value for money challenge. I can assure you that there will continue to be opportunities not only to measure against the private sector but for current privately managed prisons to be taken back into the public sector if the terms are right.”
Parc debacle
continues
The Prisons and Probation
Minister, Joyce Quin, has called for a full report on HMP Parc at Bridgend,
Wales which opened in November 1997 (see PPRI #18,19 and 20). It is
believed that the company has, so far, been fined £55,000 for contract
deficiencies.
In a statement issued on 6 May 1998, the Minister said: “I know that the
Director General of the Prison Service has been in discussion with senior staff
at Securicor to rectify weaknesses identified. An action plan has been drawn up
to strengthen the running of the prison.
In view of the latest problem I have asked the Director General to let
me have a full report on the current situation at HMP Parc. ”
That same day, a disturbance took place and officers from nearby publicly run prisons were drafted in to help regain control.
On 20 May, according to the Prison Service ‘Gold [emergency]Commander’
John Dring, at 7pm the Prison Service’s
Command Suite had to be opened in order to deal with “some instability on two
wings following a day long search ... carried out by Prison Service dogs and
Parc staff.” During the evening “four Control and Restraint units from nearby
[publicly run] establishments were placed in readiness in the staff mess at
Parc but in the event were not deployed ...”
Since opening, three of the prison’s senior management - including the
first director - have all been replaced. The new director started on 27 April
and was recruited from the publicly-run HMP Bristol.
Securicor has now abandoned its high technology pod system under which
one prisoner custody officer stood at a
control desk on each wing and remotely locked/unlocked every cell door
while watching up to 75 prisoners. The computer controlled locking system is
being replaced by traditional locks and
keys. According to the Guardian on 30 May 1998, prisoners failed to
respect a yellow line around the pod consoles and, by crowding the officer on
duty, made it impossible for him or her to monitor activity on the wings.
n On 12 May 1998, Stephen Shaw,
Director of the Prison Reform Trust visited HMP Parc. This is a summary of what
he found:
“On the day of my visit there were 714 prisoners, 480 adults and 234
young offenders. The capacity is
800. Parc receives prisoners from all
over Southern England as there are not enough defendants and offenders from
courts in the region it was designed to serve.
Staffing
As at 30 April, the prison was short of 30 prisoner custody officers.
This was due to an unexpectedly high
turnover of staff. The Prison Service
has called for Securicor to increase its complement by 20 officers, so although
42 newly trained staff are due to start work on 25 May, the prison will still
be understaffed.
“Urgently required. Overtime on Sunday 10 May. 1½x time. Any shift or
part or all in all areas.” - staff notice.
The staff are courteous but morale is low as a result of the suicides,
disturbances and the management
turnover. Prisoners, particularly young offenders, are openly contemptuous of
the staff’s abilities.
The prison is also short of health care staff, a problem exacerbated by
the fact that between 60 and 70 per cent of all prisoners are said to be on
some form of medication.
Regime
Disciplinary adjudications are running at a very high level - five times
that of neighbouring publicly - run HMP Swansea with only twice the number of
prisoners. Due to the lack of staff there is a limited regime. Prisoners are
unlocked for much of the day but many are clearly bored. Parc has received more convicted prisoners than expected. This
has had major consequences, for example, insufficient work places. There are
only 120 full time work places and 120 education places. Available work
includes making darts and dart boards, as well as electric harness wiring.
The incentives scheme is barely working. Mandatory drug testing has only
been in operation for six weeks and staff are not achieving the required 10 per
cent random testing level. There is little sign of a clear drugs strategy.
Generally, there is no effort made to separate convicted and unconvicted
young offenders. In the health centre, young offenders and adult prisoners mix
freely.
Race relations
Some of the prisoners sent to Parc are black Londoners. They have to
deal with abuse from white racist gangs. The company has clearly not made race
issues a priority. One unit (B4) has had to be closed for re-painting after
racist graffiti and swastikas were
daubed. At least one cell in the
Segregation Unit needs re-decorating as there is racist graffiti on the walls.
There are few ethnic minority staff.
High technology
The prison has been heralded as being equipped with especially high
technology. This image is exaggerated. All internal gates are opened through a
central unlocking system which tends to be shambolic. There is a lengthy
waiting time for gates to open. On one occasion during the visit, the wrong
gate was unlocked. Staff are still
being trained to work the system. The perimeter security is impressive but no more
advanced than at some publicly- run prisons.
Overall, Parc matches the experience at all previous private prisons in the UK. It has had a fiery baptism. The plans now in place under new leadership may mean it has a more secure future.”
Now private
fine enforcement
Another function of the
criminal justice system is to be privatised. The Government is planning
legislation enabling private
companies to trace fine defaulters and
offenders in breach of their probation orders in England and Wales. Civilian
enforcement officers would have the power to enforce warrants, including
entering an offender’s home and “to lay his hands on offenders without
exceeding their legal powers...” At the end of 1996, the level of arrears through
default was some £139m. It has also been estimated that thousands of warrants
for non-compliance with community penalties have not been enforced by the
police.
In July 1994, the then Conservative Home Secretary, Michael Howard, told the British Security Industry Association that his review of police functions would lead to more opportunities for private firms.
Group 4 again
Group 4 has been chosen by
the Prison Service to operate a pilot project using a voice recognition system
to track sex offenders and drug dealers released on parole. Offenders will
phone in at fixed times from certain locations. Their voices will be matched
with computer -stored samples. Early tests of
the American technology found that it could not recognise an English
accent and it had to be adapted.
The project will last six months and will take place in conjunction with
the Probation Service in Kent, South East England. It is the first voice
tagging scheme in Europe and Group 4's first tagging contract.
Group 4 runs three prisons, two immigration detention centres and four prisoner escort services in the UK.
Ethics
hearing into Dr Thomas
Dr Charles Thomas, director
of the University of Florida’s
Privatization Corrections Project, is to face a public hearing into two
conflict of interest charges (see PPRI #13).
In an Order Finding Probable Cause issued on 28 May and released on 2
June 1998, the Florida Commission on Ethics accepted that there is “probable
cause to believe” that “as a professor at the University of Florida and also an
OPS employee for the Correctional Privatization Commission, [he] violated
Florida Statutes ... by having contractual relationships with private
corrections companies, or companies related to the private corrections
industry, which conflict with his duty to objectively evaluate the corrections
industry through his research with the University,” and also “by having
contractual relationships with companies that are regulated by, or doing
business with, his agency, the Correctional Privatization Commission, and which
impede the full and faithful discharge of his public duties or create
continuing or frequently recurring conflict between his private interests and
his duties with the Correctional Privatization Commission.”
Corrections guru
Dr Thomas, the so-called independent guru of privatised corrections, has
always maintained that his views, reports and other publications are
independent even though his project is partly financed by corrections
corporations, he is a director of CCA’s Realty Trust, he owns stocks in
corrections companies, has worked for the Florida Correctional Privatization
Commission, and advises other government agencies in the US and abroad.
Central to the Commission’s Order was Dr Thomas’s stock ownership at the
same time that he produces an annual report used by investment firms to
determine the value of those same
stocks.
The hearing, which could take some months to be scheduled, will determine whether Dr Thomas is guilty of
the charges. But he has the right to resolve the complaint at this stage by
offering to make a settlement with the Commission’s Advocate. The Commission
would then have to agree to any recommendation that the Advocate might make.
FPBA’s great day?
The Commission’s investigation was launched after the Florida Police
Benevolent Association (FPBA), which represents state-employed correctional
officers, filed a complaint about his activities in July 1997.
Commenting on the Commission’s Order, the FPBA’s Ken Kopczynski
said: “This is a great day for forces
fighting privatization in Florida. “They [those against privatization] have
tried for years to have honest debate on the issue of private corrections, yet
the Correctional Privatization Commission and industry would point out studies
and reports by Dr Thomas as unbiased proof that privatization worked. Not any
more.”
But the FPBA might be celebrating too soon. The Commission has not found
Dr Thomas guilty. Even if the hearing eventually decides that he is, Dr Thomas
has the right to appeal the decision in the District Court of Appeal. And if he
is guilty, it is the State Governor who
will ultimately decide how - if at all - Dr Thomas is penalised.
A spokesperson for the Ethics Commission told PPRI that if
guilty, Dr Thomas could be liable to a civil fine of up to a maximum of $10,000
on each charge; he could be demoted or dismissed from public employment; have
his salary reduced; or simply be publicly censured or reprimanded by letter from the Governor.
Dr Thomas’s most recently published study is Evaluating the Potential
Public Policy Implications of Correctional Privatization by the State of Iowa,
January 1998. The Corrections Project web site features The Weekly Stock
Report on publicly traded corrections companies.
A 104 page report on the complaint and the investigator’s findings is now public record. It can be obtained by sending $15.60 to: Florida Commission on Ethics, PO Drawer 15709, Tallahassee, Florida, 32317-5709. Tel: ++ 1 850 488 7864.
Wackenhut
faces Texas lawsuit
Wackenhut Corrections
Corporation is facing a class action lawsuit for damages in the federal court
in Dallas, Texas. The case is being
brought by current and former prisoners at the company’s Coke County Juvenile Justice Center in
Bronte, Texas.
The prisoners claim that the company “created an environment wherein
girls as young as twelve years old were subjected to sexual abuse, received no
counselling, no vocational treatment, no case treatment plans and inadequate or
inappropriate medical care, were placed in a ‘levels’ programme in which the
length of the time of the juveniles’ detention could be unilaterally changed,
lengthened or shortened depending on the whims of Wackenhut’s untrained staff
members, and were made to live in an environment in which offensive sexual
contact, deviant sexual intercourse and rape were rampant and where residents
were physically injured to the point of being hospitalised with broken bones.”
When it opened in 1994, the facility was the company’s first juvenile rehabilitation contract.
Court documents state that, “Wackenhut had literally thrown together the
facility and staff in less than three months.” Although Wackenhut claimed the
facility would be staffed with “highly trained professionals who will obtain
order and control of the facility to ensure the health and safety of its
occupants,” it is claimed that the company
did not live up to “more than 150 promises, warranties and
representations made to the State of Texas and its citizens.”
The documents set out a catalogue of incidents in which it is claimed
that “residents were degraded, humiliated, assaulted, harassed and emotionally
abused.”
In September 1998, the court will decide on the legal issue of whether the case constitutes a class
action. Once that has been established, the substance of the case can be
argued. The company denies all the prisoners’ claims.
Barton and Harden and others -v - The Wackenhut Corporation, Wackenhut
Corrections Corp and John Does 1-99; Plaintiffs’ Original Complaint - Class
Action, Request for Certification of Class Action Status and Request for
Permanent Injunction; US District Court for the Northern District of Texas,
Dallas Division.
Case No:3-97CV2677H.
n A 35 year-old counsellor at
Wackenhut’s Coke County facility has been indicted following an investigation
into allegations that he had unlawful sexual intercourse with a 15 year old
resident in January 1998. Another resident of the facility who agreed to
settle a sexual abuse case with the company on undisclosed terms in December
1997, shot her boyfriend and then
killed herself soon after.
n The Texas Youth Commission
(TYC) has agreed to extend its contract with Wackenhut at the Coke County
facility. The 104 beds are to be
increased by 48 and girls are being transferred to other facilities to make way
for boys. According to a TYC press release, one local judge commented that:
“the workers ... seemed pleased about the changes. They think it will be easier
to work with boys rather than girls.”
A spokesperson for the TYC told PPRI that it was aware of the
lawsuit but was not a party to it and that the reason for the shift from girls
to boys was “a programming decision.”
“TYC staff have offices at the
facility and are involved with day-to-day monitoring. In instances in which we
are less than satisfied with the contractor’s performance, we ask for
corrective action. Wackenhut has always responded to our corrective action
plans and has always complied with our requests for improvements.”
Asked why the workers think it will be easier to work with boys, the spokesperson said; “You would need to ask them really. Generally, however, the girls we see at TYC typically come to us with a higher level of emotional disturbance issues than the boys do. The girls have a more common history of being sexually and physically abused than the boys. The girls are a very challenging population to help.”
Trough time
again
The third Privatizing
Correctional Facilities Conference - slogan “tap into this explosive industry
for increased revenues” - is being held in New York in September 1998 (see PPRI
# 6 and 12). It is organised by the World Research Group and the Reason
Public Policy Institute.
The conference brochure boasts that the list of speakers “quite
obviously reads like an international edition of Who’s Who in Correctional
Privatization.” Noting that less than five per cent of American prisoners are
confined in private facilities, the organisers argue that the “growth potential
of the industry, including a number of publicly-traded companies, is enormous,”
with analysts estimating that the value of contracts “will exceed $2 billion
during 1998 and grow annually by 30-35 per cent in the foreseeable future.”
“The most debated question is whether or not privatizing prisons saves
taxpayers money. It has long been argued that the private sector does a better
job of management than the public sector, but the issue of prison privatization
goes much deeper than that.”
The conference will “not only discuss the fundamental issues of facility
financing, procurement and performance measurement; it will cover union
obstacles, recent legislation changes and legal developments.” One of the
listed key benefits of attending is hearing an evaluation of “the performance of privatization across the
globe.”
The event will be chaired by Dr Charles Thomas, of the Private Corrections Project, University of Florida.
AFSCME enters
the fray
The American Federation of
State County and Municipal Employees, a trade union which represents 100,000
correctional officers and support staff in publicly run facilities, has
launched a new, nationwide anti-privatisation campaign.
“We say to the Wackenhuts and CCAs of the world that whenever they rear
their ugly head, we are going to fight like hell to stop them,” said Gerald W.
McEntee president of AFSCME on 6 May 1998.
The union has also published a report Should Crime Pay? which
concludes that “prison privatization creates incentives to grow the prison
population, pushing up long term prison costs.”
AFSCME’s Corrections United Advisory Committee began its effort to convince state legislators not to privatise corrections facilities when it lobbied congressmen in Washington in May. Contact: AFSCME Corrections United, 625 L Street, NW, Washington, DC, 20036-5687.
The CCA way
The cover story of the May
1998 issue of the American magazine Chief Executive includes an
extensive interview with Doctor C. Crants, Corrections Corporation of America’s
Chief Executive Officer. Chief Executive describes itself as “a journal
of strategy and analysis by and for international CEOs.”
Set out below are some brief extracts from the interview:
Toe- to- toe with thugs
“Ours is a business where the better you do it, the cheaper it is ...
along the way, what we learned was the more programs we offered for the
inmates, the better they felt about being incarcerated in our facility. The
easier they were to manage, the better the quality of the job of the staff.
Remember there’s a corrections officer who has to stand toe-to-toe with a thug.
We want that thug to be appreciative of his opportunity to serve his sentence
in a CCA facility; to participate in these programs. So instead of acting out
or abusing our staff, he conducts himself appropriately. That means lower staff
turnover and lower training costs. We have staff that eventually become very
experienced and good at what they do.”
Free enterprise owner-managers
“...CCA pays its employees more than government pays theirs. We have
comparable benefits packages with higher salaries. And we make every single
employee of CCA - after they’ve served a year with us - a shareholder in the
company. We think of ourselves as shareholder-managers ... what we are doing in
the criminal justice arena is bringing free enterprise owner-managers to
something that has been operating on an entirely different economic theory for
200 years.”
Pricing power
“...when you own the building you do set the prices. And because
government is inefficient, we can move our prices up and own facilities to
still provide the cost savings they’re looking for - and also provide our
shareholders the net income that has allowed us to grow our earnings per share
the way we have ... if you give them cost savings, you still do very well for
your shareholders, but you also make a lifetime customer.”
Prison design affects cost
“The primary mechanism for managing prisons is line of sight, being able
to watch every single inmate every single moment of the day. That requires a
design from the point of view of the person who is going to operate it.”
On expanding abroad
“Approximately half of the prison inmates in the world are in the US ...
we have incarcerated in US prisons and jails at county, state or federal level
approximately 1.8m people. The sum of all the rest of the countries on the face
of the earth is about 1.8m, counting the Peoples Republic of China, which says
it has one million people locked up. A country like England has 60,000
people incarcerated. So the
international market is not very interesting when compared with the domestic
market. It’s not a priority for us. There are also cultural differences. That’s
why we’re only in Australia and the UK.”
On South Africa
“We are not pursuing business in South Africa for its money-making
potential. Violent crime in South Africa is destabilizing democracy. There is
so much violent crime in South Africa that there is some question as to whether
democracy is going to survive the ‘death’ of Nelson Mandela. They are also
concerned and are trying to increase the amount of prison bed space they
have. They need CCA’s technology. I
wouldn’t want to describe it as humanitarian, but we’re participating in a
process of what is essentially technology transfer.”
The deal with Sodexho
“In 1987 Sodexho plunged into the private prison management business in
France. They came here thinking they would enter the US market. We made a
strategic alliance that we would market together in international marketplaces.
Less well known is our agreement that we would not pursue business in France.
And they would not pursue business in the US. We did not want to wake up one
morning and have a $6 billion revenue giant bouncing around in the domestic market.
And we did not see ourselves as giving up anything in France. I would imagine
the French government would never give an American company a contract.”
The bottom line
“The rule here is that we work for the shareholders.”
Can’t be sued
for rights abuses
The US Justice Department
and Correctional Services Corporation (the company formerly known as Esmor) are
defending a lawsuit seeking damages for immigration detainees who claim that
their human rights were violated at a
company-run facility (see PPRI #3 and14).
In 1995, detainees at the Esmor-run Elizabeth Immigration Detention
Center in New Jersey, suffered a range of abuses which included: being shackled
to chairs and tables; physical and verbal abuse; substandard food; inadequate
medical care; and constant nerve racking noise and bright lights.
The conditions led to riots, which in turn led to the facility being
shut down by the Immigration and Naturalisation Service (INS) and Esmor’s
contract being cancelled. The contract was sold on to Corrections Corporation
of America and the facility has since reopened.
Following an inquiry, the INS accepted some blame for the conditions at
the Esmor-run facility through its lack of supervision.The INS also agreed that
Esmor guards had physically and psychologically abused detainees.
Now lawyers from the Constitutional Litigation Clinic at Rutgers Law
School in New Jersey have filed a lawsuit in the US District Court of New
Jersey on behalf of 19 of the detainees, claiming compensation from the INS and
Esmor for the detainees’ treatment. The lawyers claim that the Government
violated UN human rights laws.
But the Justice Department and the company are arguing that the case
should be dismissed on the grounds that sovereign immunity laws protect the
United States from being sued for human rights violations.
The company is also facing a separate lawsuit from another group of
detainees.
n Correctional Services
Corporation reported that its revenues for the first quarter ending 31 March
1998 increased 64.8 per cent to $19.1m from $11.6m in the first quarter of
1997. Net profit jumped by over 200 per cent to $1.1m compared to $325,941 in the
first quarter of 1997. Results for the first quarter of 1998 were due to the
opening of several new facilities. As
at 30 April 1998, the company had 28 contracts in Florida, New York, Arizona,
Texas, New Mexico and Washington State with an aggregate of 4,795 beds.
As at 15 May 1998, CSC’s shares
had risen to 50.6 per cent above their
closing price on 2 January 1998
compared with an increase of 14.2 per cent on the Dow Jones Index.
On 28 May the company announced that it had been awarded a contract to manage
the 500 bed Jefferson County Detention Facility in Texas. This is expected to
generate a further $7m in annual revenues.
n Corrections Corporation of America, which took over the running of the Elizabeth, New Jersey detention facility for the INS, is being sued by the former warden, Steve Townsend. Mr Townsend alleges that he was fired for telling the INS that CCA was forcibly sedating and improperly restraining detainees. The company denies Mr Townsend’s claim.
OSI
privatisation briefing
The Open Society
Institute’s Center on Crime Communities and Culture held a briefing on prison
privatisation in New York on 21 May 1998.
The event was organised to “explore new evidence and information,
including questions about overall accountability, humane and effective
operations and long term impacts, along with a look at current
privately-operated prisons.”
Speakers included lawyer Al Gerhardstein, who represents prisoners in a
class action lawsuit against CCA (see PPRI #18 and 19), Adrian Moore of
the Reason Public Policy Institute (see page5) and Judith Greene of the
Institute on Criminal Justice, University of Minnesota.
Ms Greene spoke of the “danger in the advantage that the private prison
companies can deliver is their ability to cut red tape by circumventing public
financing and procurement processes.
Private prison companies short-cut important public policy
deliberations, circumventing citizen input on critical policy choices.”
More details from: Dominique Dieudonn_ ,The Center on Crime Communities & Culture, OSI, 400 West 49th Street, New York, New York, 10019.
Sale time in
Queensland
The Coalition Government is
to sell its state owned, privately run prisons to help recoup the A$195m cost
of building new prison accommodation for the increasing prisoner population.
The Arthur Gorrie Remand and Reception Centre at Wacol, near Brisbane,
has been run by Wackenhut’s Australian subsidiary since July 1992. Borallon
Correctional Centre has been run by Corrections Corporation of Australia since
1990. Both companies approached the Government with the sale idea.
If, as expected, the companies
buy the facilities that they manage, the state’s first privately owned and
managed prisons will be created.
When the management contracts come up for renewal, the state’s
Queensland Corrections (QCORR) will be allowed to bid against the companies.
The opposition has criticised the plan, warning that the Government
could lose control of the prison system and that it could repeat the problems
found in Victoria’s private prisons. Another concern is that the existing
private owners/operators would have an unfair advantage over QCORR in any
tendering process.
The Premier has promised an additional 2,997 prison cells over the next
three years. Plans include a new maximum security prison, two juvenile
detention centres, three other new prisons and the expansion of existing
facilities.
n The new director of the Arthur
Gorrie Centre is Kevin White, who is leaving the most troubled prison in New
Zealand to take up the post. After serious riots and allegations of brutality
at Paremoremo maximum security prison, west of Auckland, Mr White has recently
introduced what criminologists have called the most oppressive regime imposed
this century.
Mr White is leaving after just two years at Paremoremo. “It was nothing to do with the troubles. I know the connection will be made, but that is just rubbish,” he told the New Zealander on 20 May 1998. The Corrections Minister said that: “the changes he has implemented ... have enhanced his reputation. It is to the credit of the New Zealand Department of Corrections that he has been head hunted.”
Tasmania
A private company is
claiming that it can design, build and run a prison in Tasmania for A$2m a year
less than it would cost the state to run the existing Risdon Prison. The
Government wants to close and replace Risdon but denies that it has invited
three companies to lodge expressions of interest.
Members of the Legislative Council Select Committee into Corrective Services visited Victoria’s three private prisons and found them to be well run. The Committee is reviewing the state’s prison system and considering whether privatisation would be a better option. It is also considering a proposal to have prisoners serve sentences at weekends or in their annual holidays.
Courting Western Australia
The Government of Western
Australia has short-listed five consortia to bid for a A$20m, 25 year
lease-back contract. A new development for the Ministry of Justice at Fremantle will
include five courtrooms, judges’ chambers, libraries, registry and associated
administrative premises.
Among the consortia are Thiess Contractors (Wackenhut’s construction partners in Australia) with Forbes & Fitzhardinge Woodland; Multiplex, Rothschild & Cox and Corrections Corporation of Australia; and Babcock & Brown, John Holland, Spowers and Jones Coulter Young.
New prisons
for New South Wales
The Premier of New South
Wales, Bob Carr, has pledged to build new prisons to meet the demand for new
places that will arise from his policy of ‘zero crime’ in the state. The
private sector will be invited to bid for the contracts to design, build and run
any new facilities.
Mr Carr told the Sunday Telegraph on 10 May 1998 that:"We've
toughened the penalties, we've given police the powers ‑ it's over to the
judges and the magistrates to throw the book at the criminal," he said.
“We’ve just got to build more prison accommodation.” Mr Carr blames the
rising crime rate on chronic
unemployment, family breakdowns and the proliferation of drugs in society.
New South Wales currently has one privately managed prison, Junee Correctional Centre, run by Wackenhut since 1993.
Wackenhut
developing
Australasian Correctional
Services, Wackenhut’s Australian joint venture company, is to redevelop the
immigration detention centre at Villawood in Sydney for the Australian
Department of Immigration and Multicultural Affairs (DIMA).
The company won a contract to run the existing facility in December
1997. The contract to finance, design, build and maintain the new facility will
be worth A$22.5m. The Government will pay an annual charge for using the new,
expanded facility which will hold up to 300 detainees.
Wackenhut manages three other immigration centres for the DIMA.
Victoria’s
suicide scheme
The Government has launched a new, innovative suicide prevention training scheme for staff at Corrections Corporation of Australia’s Metropolitan Women’s Correctional Centre. It is being financed by a A$75,000 Government grant.
ALP to take
prisons back
If elected to office in
2000, Victoria’s Labor Party would try to restore private prisons to public
ownership and control. A policy
document debated at a recent conference of the Australian Labor Party (ALP)
stated that: “Labor, in the absence of any compelling evidence to the contrary,
is not convinced that privatisation of prisons, prisoner transport, court
security or other ancillary activities will produce either improved
correctional services and outcomes or any cost savings. In allowing the private
sector to operate correctional facilities, there is reduced accountability and
transparency in prison activities, lower staffing, minimised security standards
and higher costs to government.
“Accordingly, Labor will supervise the
administration and operation of
the correctional system where privatised and immediately review state
government contracts with the private sector service providers with a view to
reverting their function to the public sector as soon as practical to do so.”
The ALP does not say how their plans will be financed.
Riot at
Wackenhut prison