Prison Privatisation Report International

No. 71/72, Dec 05-April 06

 

Published by the Public Services International Research Unit (PSIRU) University of Greenwich, London, England. 

 

For all inquiries about PPRI's contents or to contribute material, please email Stephen Nathan,  PPRI Editor,  stephennathan@dsl.pipex.com

 

This publication is supported by a grant from the Foundation Open Society Institute.

 

 

 

 

 

CANADA

Ontario government to take over MTC-run prison

 

“The Government of Ontario will transfer the operation of the Central North Correctional Centre in Penetanguishene to the public sector”, the provincial government’s community safety and correctional services minister Monte Kwinter announced on 27 April 2006 (see PPRI #70, 64, 61, 58, 49, 44, 38,. 37).

 

“After five years, there has been no appreciable benefit from the private operation of the Central North Correctional Centre,” said Kwinter in a news release. “We carefully studied its overall performance compared with the publicly operated Central East Correctional Centre (CECC) in Kawartha Lakes, and concluded the CECC performed better in key areas such as security, health care and reducing re- offending rates. As a result, the government will allow the contract with the private operator to expire.”

 

Utah-based Managaement & Training Corporation’s (MTC) Canadian subsidiary, Management and Training Corporation Canada (MTCC), was chosen to operate the Central North Correctional Centre in May 2001 as part of a five-year pilot project. During that period, the Central East Correctional Centre - which is identical in design - opened as a publicly operated facility. The pilot project was to determine if there was any advantage to private operations of correctional services in Ontario.

 

“We acknowledge that MTCC was in material compliance with the contract,”

said Kwinter, “but the evidence clearly indicates that the public facility produced better results in key performance areas.”

 

The contract with MTCC ends on 10 November 2006.

 

An Ontario Government spokesperson told PPRI that an internal review to compare MTCC-run Central North Correctional Centre with publicly-run Central East Correctional Centre was carried out and the methodology  reviewed by Anthony Doob of the University of Toronto. The government also commissioned PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) to evaluate MTCC’s contract performance and to make recommendations for policy options.

 

According to Canadian Press the company has responded to the government’s announcement by claiming that it has saved taxpayers C$23 million and could save a further C$11 if allowed to continue for five more years. Scott Marquand, president of MTC Canada, said that there is no “evidence to support a change that will cost Ontario taxpayers millions of dollars a year.”

 

According to data from the ministry of community safety and correctional services seen by PPRI, the publicly run prison rated better on security, classification, programming effectiveness, continuum of services, recdivism rates,  healthcare and community impact. A comparison of programming quality was deemed undeterminable.

 

PricewaterhouseCoopers

 

PPRI has also obtained a copy of the executive summary of PwC’s report and a verbatim extract is set out below. The full report, which incorporates information provided by ministry staff as well as PwC’s own research and analysis, has not been published due to commercial confidentiality.

 

The majority of PwC’s policy decision considerations favoured private management and/or extending the period of comparison. One telling point in the summary is a reference to the role played by the local community in Penetanguishene which has consistently opposed CNCC being privately run. PwC states: “With respect to community impact, findings indicate that the impact of CECC appears to be somewhat more positive on the community than that of CNCC. This difference in impacts is minimised if one does not consider the data from the ani-privatisation advocacy groups in among the groups that rated both facilities.”

 

PwC Summary of Findings

Overall, the data and analysis in this report indicate that MTCC is operating in material compliance with its contractual obligations under its Services Agreement with the Ministry, and that its performance is, on the whole, satisfactory in the context of the Ministry’s overall system. A comparison of the performance of CNCC versus CECC (excluding cost) indicates that CECC is rated higher than CNCC.

Extending the Ministry’s contractual relationship with MTCC for an additional five-year term appears to be economically advantageous. However, there have been specific performance concerns that will need to be addressed in negotiations with MTCC, should the Ministry choose to continue its contractual relationship with MTCC.

MTCC Performance: CECC Comparison

The Ministry analyses conclude that on balance, CECC’s performance was rated higher than that of CNCC, as managed and operated by MTCC according to the Services Agreement for the identified comparison periods. The Ministry analyses address the comparative performance (other than cost, which is dealt with separately in this report) of CNCC, as managed and operated by MTCC, versus CECC. This conclusion is based on the comparative information available from the Ministry on comparative non-economic performance, those addressing security, programming, health and community impact for the specific comparison periods identified within the report.

1. With respect to security, CECC scored higher than CNCC on static security, video monitoring, staffing levels, supervision levels, and search compliance. CNCC scored higher than CECC on preventative maintenance (of security-related equipment) and training compliance. Overall, CECC scored higher than CNCC on security.

2. With respect to programming:

On classification, and on use of this classification for client/risk need practices, CECC rated higher than CNCC with the exception of the educational area in which CNCC’s use of the Canadian Academic Achievement test was noted;

On variety and volume of programming, CNCC rated higher than CECC, particularly in the educational area;

On programming quality and effectiveness, CECC’s closer alignment with the “what works” literature resulted in a higher rating than CNCC. Organizational culture was another factor in which CECC rated higher, although “both institutions struggle to effect cultural change to one that supports rehabilitation of offenders”;

● On the continuum of services to offenders, CECC’s well-established inter-agency links, discharge planning and staffing levels were factors contributing to its higher rating versus CNCC; and

On recidivism, analyses were performed using data from the Offender Tracking Information System as of September 2005. For this analysis, “due to the short follow-up period, recidivism is defined as any re-entry into the provincial system, including offenders who re-entered the system due to parole violations or remand warrants”. The analysis compared inmates at CNCC for the period of April 2002 to July 2003, and inmates at CECC for the period of March 2004 to June 2005. These analyses concluded that the recidivism rate of inmates released from CNCC was higher than those released from CECC by a statistically significant amount, allowing for differences in offender populations.

3. With respect to health, CECC rated higher than CNCC overall in areas of infections, time to respond to requests, time to receive treatment or medication (by a small margin), issues of concern and health-related ombudsman complaints by inmates. CNCC rated higher on health care assessments. Overall, CECC rated significantly higher than CNCC on health. The Ministry authors note that “substantially more audits were performed at CNCC than CECC; this may have resulted in a greater number of critical incidents at CNCC than at CECC.” A direct comparison between CNCC and CECC on health care is complicated. Although both institutions provide health care, CNCC operates a 24-hour infirmary, while at CECC, the facilities required to deliver comparable services are not available due to construction issues. The Ministry authors note that “this may have some impact on the inmates that may be transferred to this facility.”

4. With respect to community impact, “findings indicate that the impact of CECC appears to be somewhat more positive on the community than that of CNCC. This difference in impacts is minimized if one does not consider the data from the anti-privatization advocacy groups” in among the groups that rated both facilities.

MTCC Performance: Services Agreement Expectations

The research and analysis conducted by PwC addressing matters of performance versus contractual expectations (other than cost) indicate that MTCC has been in material compliance with its contractual obligations. It is also fulfilling the expectations of stakeholders interviewed by PwC for this analysis related to these obligations and the Ministry’s intent in entering into the contractual relationship with MTCC.

1. With respect to performance, data and interview results indicate that MTCC is operating in material compliance with its contractual obligations. There have been, over the course of the Initial Term, issues that have arisen related to these contractual obligations, notably in areas of health care and food services. In these cases, quantitative data and interview findings indicate that MTCC’s performance trend has been favourable and that MTCC is currently operating in material compliance with its contractual obligations.

2. With respect to stakeholder satisfaction, interview results indicate that stakeholders–Ministry and community–are satisfied with MTCC’s performance against expectations. Internally to the Ministry, interviewees indicated that CNCC under MTCC management is operating as expected within the Ministry’s corrections management structure. Relations with Adult Community Corrections have been strained at times, although interviewees indicate that this is a Ministry-wide challenge not unique to CNCC. Community stakeholders indicated that issues which arose from the opening of CNCC – the impact of CNCC on the local waste treatment system, and clear delineation of responsibility (between MTCC and the Ministry) for communication and action–have been resolved and that MTCC is operating according to expectations.

3. With respect to the impact on the Ontario correctional system, interviewees on balance indicated that the management of CNCC by MTCC has had a positive impact in the areas of “competitive tension” and access to new corrections practices from other jurisdictions such as the “Success for Life” program. It is noted in comparison that CECC does not have the same opportunity to invest locally due to restrictions imposed by the government’s procurement directives. Some interviewees were opposed to private management of correctional facilities and did not agree with this overall assessment.

4. With respect to the impact on the community, the positive economic benefit of CNCC has proved, according to interviewees, to be greater than anticipated in part because of MTCC’s policy of buying locally where possible. According to interviewees MTCC has also earned a reputation of being a good corporate citizen through its program of charitable giving. The opening of CNCC has placed a strain on the Huronia and District Hospital, possibly mitigated by the operation of a 24-hour infirmary (which is not operational at CECC for reasons described above) to the extent that this infirmary can provide services that would otherwise be provided at the hospital. However, in the view of hospital officials interviewed for this report, CNCC tends to attract inmates with health issues because of this capability, which in turn places a strain on the hospital. This perspective was not a criticism directed by interviewees at MTCC, with whom they indicated they have a good relationship, nor at the Ministry or other Ministry institutions.

Cost and Affordability

The data and analysis in this report indicate that the Ministry has enjoyed a cost advantage at CNCC versus CECC over the life of the current contract with MTCC. Further, based on MTCC’s initial pricing proposal for a contract extension, continuing the MTCC contract is economically advantageous.

1. With respect to historical cost efficiency, CNCC and the CECC are the two most efficient adult correctional institutions when using per diem costs to evaluate the cost efficiency of correctional institutions in Ontario. Per diem cost analyses for the 2004/05 fiscal year (the one year for which comparable data are available) indicate that CNCC had a lower per-diem cost than CECC on a comparable basis. For the Initial Term period, CNCC costs represented a savings of approximately $22.5 to $23.0 million compared to comparable costs at CECC. Both CNCC and CECC were efficient in reducing overall Ministry costs and had per diem costs well below the Ministry average for adult correctional institutions of approximately $162.32 in 2004/05; and

2. With respect to future affordability, projected costs for CNCC are lower than for CECC at all utilization levels considered for contract renewal based on the initial proposal from MTCC.

For the prospective Renewal Term period, MTCC’s initial proposal indicates savings of approximately $8.4 to $10.3 million ($9.6 to $11.4 million including Cookchill savings) versus comparable costs at CECC.

Decision Considerations

The Ministry’s preferred course of action with respect to the Services Agreement will depend in large part on the definitive economic terms available in negotiation with MTCC and the cost indications of terminating a relationship with MTCC.

1. One additional decision factor that the Ministry may consider is that a decision to transition of the operation and management of CNCC to the Ministry would be difficult to revisit (that is, to re-introduce private corrections management) at a later date due to, for example, labour relations reasons. A decision to continue external management of CNCC is easily reversed, as the Ministry is afforded a decision point (at a minimum) at every contract expiry; and

2. Another decision factor that the Ministry may wish to consider is that, due to delays in commencing operations at CECC, the comparative study of CNCC and CECC is based on one year of real time experience for financials and a variety of different calendar periods for each facility in other areas. Completion of this analysis has been delayed. The Ministry may wish to make its decision on the long-term management of CNCC based on a greater experience base and real time comparison with the public sector over that time.

Scenario 1: Economic Advantage for Continuation of MTCC Relationship

Initial pricing from MTCC indicates an economic advantage of continuing the Services Agreement with MTCC, although the advantage may not be as great as is was for the Initial Term. Overall, performance of CNCC under MTCC management was satisfactory in the context of the Services Agreement. Based on this, the Ministry’s preferred course of action may be to negotiate with MTCC with a view to achieve modified contractual performance obligations that reflect the Ministry’s concerns regarding the performance issues highlighted in this report, as well as the best possible economic terms. Other issues for consideration include:

1. The Ministry’s evolving priorities for the overall management of the Ontario corrections system. These priorities may indicate further modifications of the relationship between the Ministry and MTCC;

2. The Ministry may need to exercise its option to extend for all or part of one year in order to provide the time necessary to achieve its negotiating objectives (or to determine that they cannot be achieved);

3. Alternatively, the Ministry may determine, for policy reasons outside the scope of this report, that managing CNCC should be internal to the Ministry, notwithstanding an economic advantage to continue the contract with MTCC;

4. Finally, the Ministry may choose to re-tender if it determines, in the course of negotiations with MTCC, that improved terms may be available in the market and that these improved terms would offset the investment (financial and in operational disruption) involved in re-tendering.

Scenario 2: Economic Advantage for Internal Provision

If, in the course of the negotiations described above, the definitive pricing from MTCC indicates an economic advantage for internal provision by the Ministry (using CECC as the benchmark), or that the Ministry’s performance objectives cannot be met, then the Ministry’s preferred cause of action may be to:

1. Prepare for expiry of the MTCC contract and commencement of the internal provision;

2. Re-tender the CNCC contract to achieve better terms from another provider; or

3. Retain MTCC as a service provider as part of the overall Ministry portfolio at this time for policy reasons.

Scenario 3: No Apparent Economic Advantage for MTCC or Internal Provision

If the Ministry determines that there is neither a clear advantage to either internal provision nor to a continued contractual relationship with MTCC, then the Ministry’s preferred course of action will be determined by policy considerations. Examples of such policy considerations include:

The desire to extend the comparative analysis of CNCC versus CECC as described above;

1. The desire to have an external “benchmark” as part of the Ministry corrections portfolio to achieve competitive tension and a window on practices in other jurisdictions. This action would indicate to continue having the private sector be involved; or

2. A policy decision that Ontario corrections services should be delivered by the public sector. This action would indicate the Ministry would terminate its involvement with the private sector.

Central North Correctional Centre Review and Comparison With Central East Correctional Centre, PricewaterhouseCoopers, 18 April 2006, unpublished.



 

 

Federal crackdown : more private prisons?

 

Canada’s prime minister, Stephen Harper, has launched what he calls “a battle with criminals”. Prisoner numbers are expected to increase as a result of his crackdown on gangs, guns and drugs. Mandatory minimum sentences will be enforced against violent and repeat offenders and conditional sentences and house arrests will “keep criminals in jail for the duration of their sentences” he said.

 

Anthony Doob of the University of Toronto told the Toronto Star (www.the star.com) 2 April 2006 that Conservative plans to get tougher on crime could result in superjails run for profit by private companies eager to cash in on those plans. “This is going to put pressure on the government to privatise, in larger part, because then they don’t have to put up the capital. I think they’re going to privatise in the American way. It’s going to be real trouble,” he said.

 

ISRAEL

US academics support challenge to privatisation

 

The government of Israel has been allowed an extension on its deadline for responding to a supreme court order requesting a definition of the constitutional limits of the powers to be contracted out to the private sector (see PPRI #70, 69-67, 64, etc). The government’s response had been due by the end of January but the court granted an extension. The final court hearing is now scheduled for June 2006.

 

In a recent decision signifying the importance of the case, the court issued a ruling that seven judges rather than three should hear the arguments.

 

Even though the government has now signed a contract with a consortium to finance, design, build and run a prison the petitioners are challenging the government’s constitutional authority to privatise prison operations. They claim that granting a prison operator clear governing authority, including the use of force, restricting freedom and restricting the privacy of both prisoners and visitors contravenes Israel’s Basic Law.

 

The government, on the other hand, argues that the privatisation of a prison is a statutory privatisation that does not harm fundamental constitutional rights.

 

Constitutional issues in the US

 

Two eminent US academics have filed opinions in support of the petitioners’ case.  Professor Ira Robbins of the American University, Washington DC states that, in the US, “Privatisation of prisons would also disappear if we were to have definitive rulings from the judiciary to the effect that private incarceration violates the United States Constitution and/or constitutions of one or more of the states-as being an unconstitutional delegation of power. Yet although a strong and valid argument of unconstitutionality can be made … to date, more than two decades after the inception of private prisons in this country, we have had no such rulings - due to the fact that the constitutionality of prisons’ privatisation has not been adjudicated by a court in the US.” In his view the reason is that:  “when lawsuits brought against the private company raise the constitutional questions - which, if litigated to conclusion, may prove devastating, not only to the company but also to the entire industry - the private companies dispose of the cases by way of settlement, require confidentiality as a condition of the settlement, pay the plaintiff, and deal with the payment as a cost of doing business.”

 

He concludes: “…based on my expertise, experience and analysis of relevant court decisions, is that the operation and management of prisons is one of he exclusive and essential function s of the modern state: therefore, the act of privatising prisons, if properly brought before a competent court, would be declared unconstitutional. Another clear conclusion is the experience with private incarceration has proved to be futile, dangerous and gravely harmful to human rights, especially to inmates’ rights and dignity. If a state delegates one of its essential functions (operating and managing of prisons)it might find itself in an irreversible process, ultimately abdicating itself of its sovereignty.”

 

In a paper Private prisons - Colony beyond the scope of democracy and outside the realm of Law and Justice - prisoners as raw material,  Professor Michael Waltzer of the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton, argues that “the problem of prison privatisation is that it illegitimately exposes the prisoners from the protection of the law … all the internal rule and regulations of their imprisonment, the system of discipline and reward, the hundreds of small decisions that shape their daily lives, are open now to a single unanswerable question: is this punishment or economic calculation, the law or the market?”

 

Furthermore he argues that: “In this case the state gives up on what it cannot give up legitimately, which is its prerogative to punish, or use coercive force against violators of the law. Since incarceration is part of the process of criminal justice and stems directly from decisions of the court, private prisons may put in question the legitimacy of the court decisions as well.”

 

“Imprisonment is a state action, and so is every decision made, whoever makes it, about the course and character of imprisonment. All such decisions are subject to constitutional norms, and the courts will do what they can to enforce those norms. The enforcement will probably be more roundabout, and will take longer and be harder to monitor, in private than in public prisons. Although the constitutional monitoring of administrative decisions in the field of imprisonment leave room for desired improvement, it still offers the hope of legal protection.”

 

This, he says, “is probably the chief economic advantage of prison privatisation-that it shuts down this hope, that it offers a (temporary) escape from the enforcement of constitutional norms…. we should not be contracting out, as if these were not our prisoners; we should be bringing new ideas into the orbit of public service.”

 

COSTA RICA

MTC’s battle for compensation

 

Management & Training Corporation (MTC) are due to receive $4 million compensation from the government of Costa Rica after the ministry of justice cancelled a contract to finance, design, build and run a prison at Pococi (see PPRI #68, 62, 52, 51, 49-46 & 42).

 

The company had been seeking $20 million in compensation. However, the agreement has not yet been ratified and it is not clear whether the outcome of elections on 8 May 2006 will have any impact on the terms of the settlement.

 

While these negotiations have been going on the ministry of justice has built 2,600 places at a cost of $10 million. MTC’s project would have cost $73 million for a 1,200 bed prison.

 

PERU

Two private prisons on the way

 

Two privately financed, designed, built and operated prisons are to be commissioned in Peru (see PPRI #48). A ministry of justice review has concluded that full privatisation is necessary as a semi-private model would cause difficulties with the division of operational responsibilities. It also recommended that Proinversión, the department responsible for encouraging inward investment, should lift the suspension on international financial investment for new prisons. The two prisons are to be built at Huarai and Cañete and could be operated under 30 year contracts.

 

In 2002 US firm Carter Goble Associates was commissioned to advise on how to expand capacity and they suggested that to increase capacity it was necessary to restructure existing facilities and build new prisons.

Comision multisectorial encargada de proponer medidas para viabilizar la construcción de establecimientos penitenciarios mediante inversion privada así como el ordenamiento jurídico necesario para su implementación D.S.No 014-2005-JUS Informe Final Lima, 10 December 2006, available from PPRI.

 

FRANCE

Contract awarded

 

Eiffage, the Paris-based construction and concessions multinational, has been awarded a 20 year contract to finance, design, build and maintain four prisons with a combined capacity of 2,800 beds. The contract is worth some €350 million (see PPRI #69, 67, 52, 44, 25 & 11). The facilities will be built at Nancy, Lyon, Roanne and Beziers.  The first to be completed, at Roanne, is expected to open in the summer of 2008. The custodial staff will be state employees.

 

The unsuccessful bidders included Bouygues, Spie Batignolles and two Vinci subsidiaries, Sogea and GTM. The contract tendering process for a second group of prisons is underway.

 

Semi-private prisons more expensive

 

The direct running costs of France’s semi-private prisons could be between 8.5% and 50% more expensive than publicly managed prisons, according to a recent report by France’s Cour des Comptes, the agency that oversees public sector finances. The report also found that “it is regrettable that after the mixed management system has been in place for a number of years there has been no evaluation of it by the government. As a result … the state is no more able to assess whether this system responds to needs than it is to compare costs and performance of the two management models.” France currently has 27 ‘mixed management’ or semi-private prisons.

Cour des Comptes, Rapport public thématique, Garde et réinsertion, La gestion des prisons, January 2006, full coverage in the next PPRI.

 

■ See also Dedans Dehors No. 53, Jan-Feb. 2006 and No.54, March-April 2006, Observatoire international des prisons Section française, www.oip.org

 

A conference to promote public private partnerships in France took place in Paris on 30 March 2006. The event included a session on ‘lessons of PPP programmes in other European countries.’  Speakers on prisons included Christian Cleret of France’s ministry of justice and, from the private sector, GEPSA and Eiffage who took part in sessions on the public sector view of the progress of prison PPP programme, private sector perspectives on making the programme work and a public/private sector panel discussion.  The event was organised by City & Financial Conferences, which amongst other events, organises ‘high level PPP conferences under joint ventures with government departments, government agencies and leading organisations’ throughout Europe and elsewhere. The conference was sponsored by international law firm Lovells which has a substantial PPP/PFI involvement.

 

GERMANY

Another semi-private prison

 

The state of Lower Saxony is to commission a 300 bed semi-private prison located on the site of a barracks at Bremervoerde. Planning will commence this year and it is expected that the prison will be open by 2010. This development follows an information exchange with the ministry of justice in Hesse which recently opened a semi-private prison at Huenfeld claiming that the cost will be 15 per cent cheaper than if the prison was completely publicly operated (see PPRI # 70, 67, 60, 55, 47, 37, etc).

 

BULGARIA

Debate on private prisons?

 

A public debate on private prisons is due to take place this year. In an interview with Bulgaria National Radio (BNR) in March, deputy justice minister Dimitar Bongalov announced that his ministry was open to the idea. Bulgaria is scheduled to accede to the European Union in January 2007 and needs to improve its prison infrastructure and human rights record.

 

UNITED KINGDOM

“Institutional meanness” at Serco’s Doncaster prison

 

Doncaster is a privately managed prison, run by Serco (previously Premier Prison Services). At our last inspection, we described it as a good prison, though we expressed concern about the lack of proper first night arrangements, and considered that the expansion of purposeful activity should be a key priority for development. This inspection found a prison which had not tackled either of these problems, and which had slipped back in a number of areas, so that it was no longer performing sufficiently well against three of our four healthy prison tests,” said the chief inspector of prisons, Anne Owers.

 

The chief inspector carried out an announced inspection in November 2005 of this local prison for males. The capacity is 1,120 although at the time of the inspection the prison held 1,105. Doncaster opened in June 1994 and was the UK’s third privately managed prison. The current 10 year contract expires in 2010. The prison was last inspected in 2003.

 

The chief inspector’s other findings included:

 

● “…respect was again seriously undermined by the physical conditions in which many prisoners lived, which in some cases were squalid. Many prisoners lacked pillows, adequate mattresses, toilet seats, working televisions, notice-boards and places to store belongings. Some cells, especially on the younger prisoners’ wing, were dirty and festooned with graffiti. These were examples of institutional meanness which was also reflected in the practice of making prisoners pay to change the PIN phone numbers they needed to contact relatives, and in the fact that no unemployment pay was provided to those prisoners for whom no work was available.”

 

● “Suicide prevention continued to be well managed, with innovative work, though prisoner ‘buddies’ needed more support. However, this good work was undermined, in the important early days of custody, by inadequate procedures and environment. The alleged first night centre was a wing of poorly maintained, often dirty cells where no support was available for newly-received prisoners, and where some prisoners were at risk from others. Combined with inadequate and unsafe detoxification procedures, these deficits presented significant risks to prisoners’ safety. Bullying was also insufficiently addressed, even though links to self-harm were evident.”

 

● “Lengthy periods of time out of cell, with little activity and low staff levels, raised concerns about safety. Equally importantly, the young men had little chance of participating in anything that might reduce their chances of reoffending.”

 

● “Race relations were well managed, but younger black and minority ethnic prisoners said they were significantly disadvantaged in their treatment … there was no clear management of young prisoners, who comprised a third of the population, and they described their experience much more negatively than did adult prisoners.””

 

● “Our main concern was not only that managers had failed to tackle the problems we pointed out at the last inspection, but also that the prison had deteriorated in some important respects. It is noticeable that the deficits we found are all in areas not specifically mandated by the contract under which the prison is run. There remains a concern that, focusing on meeting their contractual obligations prison managers had allowed important areas to slip below what was safe and decent; and indeed may have sought savings in precisely those areas.”

 

Despite this the chief inspector also stated that: “Doncaster may not be as good as it was at the time of the last inspection, but it is by no means a bad local prison.” The chief inspector made 156 recommendations for improvements and noted six examples of good practice.

 

Following the report’s publication, the Guardian, 12 April 2006, reported a Serco spokesperson as saying that the company was proud of the “safe and secure environment” at Doncaster and that “this inspection, at a time of very high prison population pressures, identified some shortcomings which we have acted to address. It also highlighted many areas of good practice.”

Report on an announced inspection of HMP & YOI Doncaster 14-18 November 2005 by HM Chief Inspector of Prisons, published April 2006, www.inspectorates.homeoffice.gov.uk/hmprisons/inspect_reports/

 

■ The Doncaster prison management contract provides Serco with £19 million per year in income, according to a company presentation at the Merrill Lynch Seminar on Defence & Home Affairs in November 2005 (www.serco.com).

 

UKDS-run Forest Bank : early promise not maintained

 

“In 2002 we described the new, privately managed Forest Bank as a very good local prison. However, this unannounced short follow-up inspection found that this early promise had not been sustained. In particular, there had been a significant deterioration in safety - so that urgent management attention and remedial action was required to rebuild staff confidence and properly regain control of the prison.”

 

UK Detention Services Ltd opened Forest Bank in Salford, north west England, in January 2000. The latest chief inspector of prisons’ report noted that two of the key weaknesses  identified - deficits in safety that are connected with high staff turnover and the inability to participate in the [public sector] OASys sentence planning process - “are similar to those we have identified in other contracted out prisons”. Other findings included:

 

● “There had been over 2,500 adjudications in the first half of 2005 and in the most recent month positive mandatory drug test results had reached 40%. Prisoner assaults on other prisoners were consistently running at 25 a month. There was a continuing series of assaults against staff, including one unsavoury incident when a bucket of excrement was thrown into an office and over two staff who were in there, while we were at the prison. This was by no means the first such “potting” incident in the prison’s recent history.  The establishment was attempting to respond to these issues but there was a lack of coherence and balance in their approach.”

 

“We were concerned that a culture of tolerance of, and acquiescence with,

inappropriate behaviour was becoming established at Forest Bank and this put both

prisoners and staff at risk. Local managers were not surprised by what we had found

and were keen to see matters improve. High levels of staff turnover did not help to

create an atmosphere of certainty and consistency in dealing with some challenging

behaviour and a local culture steeped in serious drug abuse.”

 

● “A survey carried out by the quality improvement group (QIG) asked respondents to comment on what they thought of the induction programme; 38.5% of respondents thought it was “useless”.

 

● “There had been an undoubted increase in the number of work and training

opportunities in the establishment and many work places provided accredited learning

opportunities. Local employers who might be able to offer prisoners employment on release had been approached and the establishment was prepared to facilitate this through the use of resettlement release on temporary licence. If every activity place had been used, every prisoner at Forest Bank could have at least part-time work or education and, for many, there would be full-time work. However, we found that over half the prisoners in residential units were locked in their cells for lengthy periods. It was not clear why senior managers were not fully exploiting the potential in this area.”

 

● “The reception area was busy with an average of 110-130 new receptions and 150 discharges to court each week, in addition to various other movements. The area was largely staffed by senior custody officers and basic grade staff who had either never worked in reception or had been working elsewhere for a considerable period of time and who were unfamiliar with reception policies and procedures. A change of shift pattern in the month before our inspection had resulted in a dedicated team of eight reception staff increasing to a team of 25 to cover both visits and reception areas. Reception was bare and institutional in design. Prisoners’ first experience of Forest Bank was being greeted by staff, standing behind a high desk, and being told to stand behind the yellow line. Overall, however, reception staff treated prisoners respectfully and interactions were friendly.”

 

The chief inspector recommended 59 improvements, some of which were repeated from the previous inspection, and highlighted one example of good practice.

Report on an unannounced short follow-up inspection of HMP Forest Bank, 22-24 August 2005 by HM Chief Inspector of prisons, December 2005,

http://inspectorates.homeoffice.gov.uk/hmiprisons/inspect_reports/

 

First report on women’s prison

 

HMP Bronzefield, in Ashford, Middlesex, is the UK’s first privately financed, designed, built and run prison for women. It opened in June 2004 and became fully operational in September 2004. It is financed, designed, built and run by Ashford Prison Services Ltd, which is owned by Ashford Prison Service Holdings Ltd itself owned equally by Sodexho Investment Services Ltd, Interserve PFI Holdings Ltd and Royal Bank Project Investments Ltd.

 

In June 2005 the prison was inspected by the chief inspector of prisons. In her report the chief inspector made 152 main recommendations for improvements, noted 25 points for improved housekeeping and highlighted three examples of good practice.

 

The chief inspector stated that: “some of the newly recruited staff had not been prepared for this level of need; and nor had some of the initial systems, in particular detoxification and healthcare. It was to the credit of managers that they had to some extent stabilised the staff group, and that lessons had been learnt from the early false starts in detoxification and healthcare, which were beginning to be remedied by the time of the inspection. The high dependency unit was caring well for some very ill women. We remained, however, concerned by the paucity of primary mental healthcare for the majority of women, and the length of time taken to transfer acutely mentally ill women to appropriate NHS facilities.”

 

“Suicide and self-harm management was good; but anti-bullying strategies needed

improvement. Nevertheless, prisoners were less likely to say that they had been victimised by other prisoners than the benchmark for women’s prisons.”

 

The chief inspector said that both the physical environment and the relationships between staff and prisoners at Bronzefield were good. “Staff were approachable and knowledgeable about individual prisoners. However, their inexperience sometimes meant that they were unable to sort out prisoners’ detailed queries; and the applications and complaints system was not effective.”

 

“The prison had made a good start in tackling race relations, but had not yet got to grips with the needs of the 40% of its population who were foreign nationals, some of whom had language needs that were not being met.”

 

She also noted that “the provision of activity was better than in most prisons we have inspected. Not only were prisoners out of their cells for lengthy periods, they were also able to participate in activities that were linked into resettlement needs, and workshops that delivered employment skills. Unlike many local prisons, Bronzefield did not rely primarily on domestic cleaning jobs in order to provide out of cell activity for its prisoners. This approach is greatly to be commended.”

 

However, the prison “lacked a needs analysis of its population, or the ability to track and ensure progress on the resettlement plans that were developed for each prisoner. Most importantly, there was insufficient drug treatment work, though this was likely to be at the heart of the resettlement needs of most women in the prison.”

 

“Overall, this is a positive report on a prison that has undergone a steep learning curve in a short time. We were impressed with the enthusiasm of managers and staff, and their readiness to learn from experience, and to take on board our proposals. The crucial task for managers will be to ensure that the relatively inexperienced staff team are sufficiently supported, so as to minimise the staff turnover that can easily destabilise a fairly new prison. We have also pointed to other areas that need to be built on, if the prison is to sustain and improve on its early progress.”

Report on an announced inspection of HMP Bronzefield, 13-17 June 2005, by HM Chief Inspector of Prisons, September 2005, published 29 November 2005. www.inspectorates.homeoffice.gov.uk/hmprisons/inspect_reports/

 

Ashford Prison Services Ltd had a turnover of £74.7 million for the financial year ended 31 march 2005. The company made a pre-tax loss of £0.7 million. ‘Related Party Transactions’ [payments] listed in the company’s accounts during the year were:

Interserve Project Services Ltd - construction services - £1,010,396

Interserve PFI Holdings Ltd - subordinated debt - £2,036,145

Interserve PFI Holdings Ltd - subordinate debt interest - £146,602

Royal Bank of Scotland Plc - subordinated debt - £2,611

Royal Bank of Scotland Plc - subordinated debt interest - £2,036,145

Royal Bank of Scotland Plc - bank loan - £8,132,105

Royal Bank of Scotland Plc - bank loan interest - £2,141,934

Royal Bank of Scotland Plc - advisory services - £41,924

UK Detention Services Ltd - advisory services - £16,815,508

Sodexho Investment Services Ltd - subordinated debt - £2,036,145

Sodexho Investment Services Ltd - subordinated debt interest - £146,602

 

Bank loans of £58,733,726 owing at 31 March 2005 are with the Royal Bank of Scotland and are repayable in instalments over 22 years commencing in 2005.

 

 

More money go round

 

Peterborough Prison Management Ltd’s principal business is the design, construction, management and financing of a new prison for men and women in Peterborough. It signed a contract with the government on 14 February 2003. The prison opened on 28 March 2005 and became fully operational on 8 August 2005, after the company’s financial year end. As with Ashford Prison Services Ltd the company is owned equally by Sodexho Investment Services Ltd, Interserve PFI Holdings Ltd and Royal Bank Project Investments Ltd. ‘Related Party Transactions’ [payments] listed in the company’s accounts during the year were:

UK Detention Services Ltd - advisory services - £9,677,284

Interserve Project Services Ltd - construction services -£20,663,295

Interserve Investments Plc - advisory services - £5,423

Royal Bank of Scotland Plc - bank loan - £29,879,199

Royal Bank of Scotland Plc - advisory services - £144,487

 

The company’s bank loans repayable between one and over five years were £82,307,882.

 

No plans for cost comparisons

 

The government has “no current plans to commission further research” into the comparative costs of public and private prisons in England and Wales, said home office minister, Fiona McTaggart. In a written reply to a parliamentary question she said that the last review was in 1998-99 and that since then “the performance of the prisons in both sectors had been continuously monitored through key performance targets, (Hansard, 1 February 2006).

 

Electronic Monitoring provides value but…

 

The electronic monitoring of adult offenders in England and Wales provides overall value for money when compared to custody but “the effectiveness … is potentially undermined by delays in fitting tags and delays in responding to breaches. The Home Detention Curfew system could also be made more efficient, resulting in a potential saving to the home office of £9 million,” the National Audit Office (NAO) has concluded.

 

The use of electronic monitoring has grown from 9,000 cases in 1999-2000 to 53,000 in 20054-05 and, in that financial year, the home office spent £102.3 million on the electronic monitoring of curfews. Private contractors provide and install the monitoring equipment and are responsible for monitoring what the NAO refers to as ‘the curfewees’. New contracts commenced in April 2005 and are operated by G4S and Serco.  The NAO also stated that: “…given the vital part which contractors play in maintaining public confidence in curfews as an effective control or punishment, the home office should be more rigorous in the regular audits which it conducts with the contractor.”

The Electronic Monitoring of Adult Offenders, Report by the Comptroller and Auditor General, HC 800 Session 2005-2006, 1 February 2006, National Audit Office, www.nao.org

 

EM cross-examination

 

Following the publication of the National Audit Office’s report on electronic monitoring in England and Wales, the government’s committee of public accounts discussed the findings, taking oral evidence from David Taylor-Smith of service providers G4S Justice Services, Mr Tom Riall of Serco as well as Sir David Normington from the home office and Aileen Murphie from the National Audit Office on 15 March 2006. Overall there were 109 questions. Set out below are extracts from the uncorrected transcript of the hearing.

 

Q31 Helen Goodman MP (Labour): Are you going to do more research on the difference in the impacts on people's behaviour of being under curfew as opposed to being locked up?

Sir David Normington: I think we probably will, and this is a recommendation in the report. The anecdotal evidence is that it helps but there is not much evidence that the Curfew Order itself has a particular impact on reoffending. It is going to be training, jobs, housing and so on, maybe family support, which will be much more influential in getting people back into society and stop them reoffending. It is most unlikely that the curfew by itself will be a significant issue in reoffending. We have not got that evidence so I think we could do with some more.

 

Q32 Helen Goodman: One of the things I am not quite clear about from this is to what extent you are able to make independent checks on the effectiveness of the way it is operating in practice other than the information that is provided to you by the contractors because obviously they have a conflict of interest in presenting this information to you.

Sir David Normington: One of the recommendations in the report is that we should do some better auditing, some whole case auditing, rather than just looking at the statistics and we have agreed to do that and have started it in fact so that we take some actual cases and follow them through rather than looking at bits of the process and monthly reports and statistics. I think there is a need to do that and that is what the NAO said we should do and we have started doing that.

 

Q35 Greg Clark MP (Conservative): We have talked about the need under your contract to check that the equipment is working every so often. Are there financial penalties that you incur if the equipment is found not to be working?

Mr Riall (Serco): There are performance measures within the contract which state that we have to have the service up and running 24 hours a day and if there are any gaps in that performance then financial deductions are placed against us and potentially, ultimately, more serious consequences should those failures continue.

 

Q36 Greg Clark: Mr Taylor-Smith, over the last year have there been penalties imposed against you for any of these reasons?

Mr Taylor-Smith: Yes, there have. We have incurred just about £100,000 worth of penalties, most of which occurred around the start-up of the new contracts in April last year. That has settled down now in the second half of the year to about £16,000.

 

Q37 Greg Clark: What is the principal cause of those payments?

Mr Taylor-Smith (G4S): If I look at the moment we have 19 service levels of which we are currently failing on one, and that is to call offenders within 15 minutes if they are absent for five minutes or more. That requires a technology fix which we are currently putting in, so that is a good example of improving the monitoring platform, and that will be in by April and we will be meeting all the service levels.

 

Q38 Greg Clark: What is your experience, Mr Riall?

Mr Riall: Not dissimilar to that.

 

Q39 Greg Clark: What have you paid out in fines?

Mr Riall: In 2005 we paid out a total of £41,000 in penalties.

 

Q40 Greg Clark: What was the reason?

Mr Riall: Again, there were one or two performance measures where we narrowly missed the required thresholds.

 

Q41 Greg Clark: Do you know which ones?

Mr Riall: For example, the requirement to report 100% of all breaches of Adult Curfew Orders on time. There have been occasions when we have slipped below the 100% requirement which has resulted in a financial deduction.

 

Q45 Greg Clark: Turning to some of the breaches and the particular point of reporting breaches on time, Mr Taylor-Smith. You seem to regard your performance as being satisfactory on this. Can you explain why?

Mr Taylor-Smith: For the period that the report covers I would not consider our performance to be satisfactory. Our performance since the commencement of the new contracts where there are much more appropriate service level measures in place - the Home Office is measuring us more appropriately on the things which are most important - in this particular area is satisfactory.

 

Q46 Greg Clark: So they have changed the measurements.

Mr Taylor-Smith: That is right.

 

Q47 Greg Clark: Is it still the case that you are required to report breaches within 24 hours?

Mr Taylor-Smith: That is correct.

 

Q48 Greg Clark: Does that continue to be measured under the contract, the number of failures to report within the 24 hours?

Mr Taylor-Smith: That is correct.

 

Q49 Greg Clark: So that continues to be something that you are measured on. According to the report at page three, paragraph 11, 22% of breaches took between one day and three days to report and 13% took over three days. It seems worrying that during the period this report was being drawn up that level of failure took place. Can you explain what was wrong with the system that you were operating?

Mr Riall: Can I just pick up on that point? Under the first generation of contract there was a much greater emphasis placed on the need to verify whether a breach had or had not occurred rather than the immediate reporting of a suspected breach.

 

Q50 Greg Clark: I was talking about what is reported here. Perhaps you can turn to page three, paragraph 11, which says that the majority of breaches were reported to the Home Office within 24 hours but 22% took between 24 hours and three days. That is a fact, is it not?

Mr Riall: It is a fact. The point that I was making was particularly during the time that the NAO report was being put together there was much greater emphasis placed by us as contractors on establishing whether a breach had or had not occurred rather than reporting. Those lessons have been learned and you will see that the standards of reporting are significantly better.

 

Q51 Mr Richard Bacon MP (Conservative): Can I just interrupt for a minute. You are saying there has been a significant change in the performance since the publication of this report.

Mr Riall: Correct, in terms of ----

 

Q52 Mr Bacon: The report was only published on 1 February 2006. Did you or the Home Office inform the NAO of this change?

Mr Riall: It is an ongoing thing. The period that is being referred to in the report, as I understand it, was predominantly the first six months of 2005. A new contract was entered into on 1 April 2005 and we are now some nine or ten months into the new contract and there is a much tougher ----

 

Q53 Mr Bacon: Did you or the Home Office supply the NAO with the performance information out of this new contract?

Mr Riall: The information supplied to the NAO was partly out of the old contract and the first two months of the new contract.

 

Q54 Mr Bacon: Only the first two months of the new contract?

Mr Riall: Correct.

 

Q55 Mr Bacon: Would the NAO like to comment on this?

Ms Murphie: When contracts are changing it is obviously quite difficult to make an assessment and the new contracts are quite different from the old ones. I think if the performance is improving to that extent then that is gratifying and that is what we would all like to see.